By Bob BauerEdmund Corsi from Ohio has strong views about politics and political candidates, and he makes them known through a website, and in other ways, in the name of the Geauga Constitutional Council. Corsi was called on to answer to the Ohio Elections Commission for failing to register a “political committee” under Ohio state law. Corsi lost there, and then in two appeals, and the Center for Competitive Politics has petitioned for writ of certiorari, challenging the basis upon which Ohio has applied its definition of a “political committee.” Ohio Rev. Code. Ann. § 3517.01(B)(8).The CCP is primarily concerned that while Corsi did engage in express advocacy, the State did not measure the extent of it. So on the record established, it could not be said that his communications met the “primary or major purpose” standard of Ohio law. In arguing the cert-worthiness of the case, CCP contends that Ohio has departed from the limits established by Buckley v. Valeo on the authority of the state to subject activity to political committee registration and disclosure requirements. Also of interest is the question of whether this is a case of small-scale political activity that the Court would look for a reason to protect. See Massachusetts Citizens for Life v. Federal Election Commission, 479 U.S. 238 (1986); Randall v. Sorrell, 548 U.S. 230 (2006); andMcIntyre v. Ohio Elections Commission, 514 U.S. 334 (1995).
By Jennifer KoonsFormer FEC Chairman Bradley Smith, a Republican who like McGahn was an outspoken opponent of campaign finance regulation, acknowledged that the number of tie votes on enforcement issues has increased since his term concluded in 2005. But, he said, there is a misguided view of the magnitude of FEC violations.“There’s this prevalent belief that there’s a whole bunch of corruption that the FEC just isn’t interested in pursuing, but once you get on the inside you realize there’s not really a lot of corruption in the true sense of people taking bribes and cutting deals,” Smith said. “The vast majority of FECA violations are inadvertent, failures to report or just not realizing you’ve gone over the limit of what you can give.
By Patrick HowleyRepublican House Ways and Means chairman Dave Camp quickly shot back. While Camp’s Ways and Means staff noted that progressive groups were also featured on an IRS’ BOLO list, alongside tea party groups, it pointed out that only tea party groups had their donors threatened, had confidential information leaked, were sent “inappropriate and intrusive” questions, and had their applications delayed for more than two years, according to currently available evidence.
By Eric Lach“Do you see a single press release [on CREW’s website], that any of their complaints have ever been found to be meritorious by anybody?” Bopp said. “No, you don’t. This is a complaint machine.”
Disclosure
By Michael Cohn“While the public posting of this database serves a vital public purpose (and this database must be restored as quickly as possible), the failure to remove individual Social Security Numbers is an extraordinarily reckless act.”
Candidates, Politicians and Parties
By SARAH WHEATON“Ironically, as competition for individual seats has declined, competition for the majority has increased,” Mr. Mann said. “And we’ve had more turnover than we had before.”
Lobbying and Ethics
By Byron TauSome agencies also said that since some disclosure forms were submitted as part of classified contracts — they therefore could not say whether the responses are classified or not. Others were not sure whether they’d ever received the forms despite the legal requirement that lobbyists file them.
By Rosalind S. HeldermanThe money to the corporation and Maureen McDonnell brings to $145,000 the amount Williams gave to assist the McDonnell family in 2011 and 2012 — funds that are now at the center of federal and state investigations.